What kind of conservative




















Image: AP Bowing to foreign leaders. Bowing to foreign leaders. Answer Image Tanking the economy with over-regulation. Tanking the economy with over-regulation. Image: Via pearlsofprofundity. Trampling on our Constitutional Rights! Via pearlsofprofundity. Image: Getty Images Reckless use of drones. Reckless use of drones. Holding hands with Joe Biden. Image: Via redalertpolitics.

Showering big business with bailout taxpayer cash. Via redalertpolitics. Image: Via sodahead. Jager Bombs. Via sodahead. Image: Via coverspy. Yelling at your friends about how amazing this is:. Via coverspy. Image: Via whitmannyc. Scotch and cigars. Via whitmannyc. Image: Via reasonradionetwork.

Reading the Constitution aloud. Via reasonradionetwork. Walking around your yard like this. Image: Via awesomethings. Crying about war, injustice, the environment, and poverty. Via awesomethings.

Image: Via ronswanson Ron Swanson. Via ronswanson Image: Via whatleydude. The Dark Knight. Via whatleydude. Image: Via cateruns. Nick Naylor. Via cateruns. Answer Image Schmidt from "New Girl". Schmidt from "New Girl". Image: Via overthinkingit. John Galt? Via overthinkingit. Image: Via people. None of them, I want to be Barbra Streisand.

Via people. Fifth, conservatives pay attention to the principle of variety. They feel affection for the proliferating intricacy of long-established social institutions and modes of life, as distinguished from the narrowing uniformity and deadening egalitarianism of radical systems. For the preservation of a healthy diversity in any civilization, there must survive orders and classes, differences in material condition, and many sorts of inequality.

The only true forms of equality are equality at the Last Judgment and equality before a just court of law; all other attempts at levelling must lead, at best, to social stagnation. Society requires honest and able leadership; and if natural and institutional differences are destroyed, presently some tyrant or host of squalid oligarchs will create new forms of inequality.

Sixth, conservatives are chastened by their principle of imperfectability. Human nature suffers irremediably from certain grave faults, the conservatives know. Man being imperfect, no perfect social order ever can be created. Because of human restlessness, mankind would grow rebellious under any utopian domination and would break out once more in violent discontent—or else expire of boredom.

To seek for utopia is to end in disaster, the conservative says: we are not made for perfect things. All that we reasonably can expect is a tolerably ordered, just, and free society, in which some evils, maladjustments, and suffering will continue to lurk. By proper attention to prudent reform, we may preserve and improve this tolerable order.

Seventh, conservatives are persuaded that freedom and property are closely linked. Separate property from private possession, and Leviathan becomes master of all. Upon the foundation of private property, great civilizations are built.

The more widespread is the possession of private property, the more stable and productive is a commonwealth. Economic levelling, conservatives maintain, is not economic progress. Getting and spending are not the chief aims of human existence; but a sound economic basis for the person, the family, and the commonwealth is much to be desired. The history of the two cannot be disentangled.

The conservative acknowledges that the possession of property fixes certain duties upon the possessor; he accepts those moral and legal obligations cheerfully. Eighth, conservatives uphold voluntary community, quite as they oppose involuntary collectivism.

Although Americans have been attached strongly to privacy and private rights, they also have been a people conspicuous for a successful spirit of community.

In a genuine community, the decisions most directly affecting the lives of citizens are made locally and voluntarily. Some of these functions are carried out by local political bodies, others by private associations: so long as they are kept local, and are marked by the general agreement of those affected, they constitute healthy community. But when these functions pass by default or usurpation to centralized authority, then community is in serious danger.

Whatever is beneficent and prudent in modern democracy is made possible through cooperative volition. If, then, in the name of an abstract Democracy, the functions of community are transferred to distant political direction—why, real government by the consent of the governed gives way to a standardizing process hostile to freedom and human dignity.

For a nation is no stronger than the numerous little communities of which it is composed. A central administration, or a corps of select managers and civil servants, however well intentioned and well trained, cannot confer justice and prosperity and tranquility upon a mass of men and women deprived of their old responsibilities. That experiment has been made before; and it has been disastrous.

It is the performance of our duties in community that teaches us prudence and efficiency and charity. Ninth, the conservative perceives the need for prudent restraints upon power and upon human passions. A state in which an individual or a small group are able to dominate the wills of their fellows without check is a despotism, whether it is called monarchical or aristocratic or democratic.

When every person claims to be a power unto himself, then society falls into anarchy. Anarchy never lasts long, being intolerable for everyone, and contrary to the ineluctable fact that some persons are more strong and more clever than their neighbors. To anarchy there succeeds tyranny or oligarchy, in which power is monopolized by a very few.

The conservative endeavors to so limit and balance political power that anarchy or tyranny may not arise. In every age, nevertheless, men and women are tempted to overthrow the limitations upon power, for the sake of some fancied temporary advantage.

It is characteristic of the radical that he thinks of power as a force for good—so long as the power falls into his hands. That power which the revolutionaries had thought oppressive in the hands of the old regime became many times as tyrannical in the hands of the radical new masters of the state. Knowing human nature for a mixture of good and evil, the conservative does not put his trust in mere benevolence. Constitutional restrictions, political checks and balances, adequate enforcement of the laws, the old intricate web of restraints upon will and appetite—these the conservative approves as instruments of freedom and order.

Most corporations make a fair and reasonable amount of profit. How much, if at all, would it bother you to regularly hear people speak a language other than English in public places in your community? Not at all. On a scale of 0 to , where 0 means you feel as cold and negative as possible and means you feel as warm and positive as possible, how do you feel toward… How do you feel toward Democrats?

How do you feel toward Republicans? Which of these statements best describes your opinion about the United States? The U. There are other countries that are better than the U. People being too easily offended by things others say. Major problem. Minor problem. Not a problem. People saying things that are very offensive to others. Which comes closer to your view of candidates for political office, even if neither is exactly right?

I usually feel like…. There is at least one candidate who shares most of my views. None of the candidates represent my views well. In general, how much do White people benefit from advantages in society that Black people do not have?

A great deal. A fair amount. Not too much. Do you think greater social acceptance of people who are transgender people who identify as a gender that is different from the sex they were assigned at birth is…. Very good for society.



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