If you are being blocked from reading Subscriber Exclusive content, first confirm you are logged in using the account with which you subscribed. If you are still experiencing issues, please describe the problem below and we will be happy to assist you. It was published on April 26, By The Associated Press. The predominantly Democratic House broke from debate of the state budget to begin the override process, first voting to restore a portion of the law guaranteeing dental benefits to Medicaid recipients.
The House overrides had been expected, and Senate President Robert Travaglini said yesterday that he expects the Senate will override all eight of Romney's vetoes. The Republican governor's spokesman said the differences were not essential to the larger goal of health care coverage.
Romney said the fee is unnecessary and wouldn't raise that much money. Democratic leaders said it was important because the law already asks individuals and the state to take some responsibility to expand health care, and businesses should be required to chip in, too.
Senate ; unitedstates. Design and development by Aaron Bycoffe. Statistical model by Nate Silver. Senate House Votes. Senate ; unitedstates Design and development by Aaron Bycoffe. Related Stories. Get more FiveThirtyEight. All rights reserved. Trump Position support. Agree with Trump? Likelihood of agreement 9. Likelihood of agreement 7. Trump Position oppose. Likelihood of agreement Pandemic aid bill The National Defense Authorization Act Very few bills are ever enacted — most legislators sponsor only a handful that are signed into law.
We consider a bill enacted if one of the following is true: a it is enacted itself, b it has a companion bill in the other chamber as identified by Congress which was enacted, or c if at least about half of its provisions were incorporated into bills that were enacted as determined by an automated text analysis, applicable beginning with bills in the th Congress. View All » View Cosponsors ». From Jan to Nov , Romney missed 9 of 1, roll call votes, which is 0.
This is better than the median of 1. The chart below reports missed votes over time. Show the numbers Follow govtrack. And please consider supporting our work by becoming a monthly backer govtrack on Patreon or leaving a tip. If you can, please take a few minutes to help us improve GovTrack for users like you. We hope to make GovTrack more useful to policy professionals like you. Please sign up for our advisory group to be a part of making GovTrack a better tool for what you do.
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Before Romney could pitch his full plan to the Bush Administration, he needed to make a major decision: Would he favor an individual mandate? Was it enough to create an exchange and offer subsidies, or did he need to require people to buy insurance? According to Murphy, Lischko, and Gruber, Romney believed that the logic in favor of a mandate was impeccable.
Federal law requires emergency rooms to treat patients regardless of their ability to pay. And then the question is, Who bears that cost? Those costs get paid by increased premiums for the people who do buy insurance, or they get paid for through socialized costs and claim our tax revenues and come at the expense of other things that people might want to do, like building roads and bridges. Republicans had been discussing the idea for years. The concept of a mandate also won support from Representative Newt Gingrich, among others.
Romney and his aides had a lengthy debate about the merits of the mandate, which evolved into a broader philosophical discussion. Personal responsibility was important, some aides argued, but what about the libertarian view that the government had no business requiring people to buy something? It was one thing to ask drivers to buy car insurance. Owning a car is a choice. But the health-insurance mandate demanded the purchase of a product just for being alive.
Philosophically, Romney sympathized with the personal-responsibility argument and not with the libertarians. The pressure of satisfying the Bush Administration was also acute. Gruber, the M. Romney argued passionately for it; his advisers argued against it. We can cover all the uninsured without spending any new money!
This is the right thing to do! And, actually, getting it through the liberal legislature was harder than getting it past the Governor. They had little time left. The federal money would dry up in six months. They arrived at the Department of Health and Human Services, a giant cinder-block building that stands close to the United States Capitol, and found the mood on the sixth floor rather festive. By the end of a two-hour meeting, Thompson had agreed to a deal: if Massachusetts passed the plan, the federal government would keep the money flowing, though it would go to subsidize people buying insurance, and not to politically powerful hospitals.
Romney and Kennedy had until June 30, The three men retired to the party and celebrated the agreement. Kennedy gave such a poignant farewell toast to Thompson that H. Once Romney had submitted his plan to the Democratic-dominated legislature, he stepped away from the process. Murphy told me that the Governor often refrained from intervening with legislation, fearing his actions could backfire. The House and liberal health-care advocacy groups favored it; the Senate and Romney, who was certain that it would be seen as a tax increase that would strangle his Presidential ambitions, opposed it.
After a long period of legislative inaction, Romney resorted to a publicity stunt.
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